Leta Siasa

Friday, August 26, 2005

Shermit Lamba: Three Important Criticisms to the Wako Draft

Three Important Criticisms to the Amos Wako Draft Constitution

Prepared by

S. Lamba

B.A,B.Sc, LL.M.Dist.

(Jurist)


Doctor of Laws [Candidate], Osgoode Hall Law School, Canada.

Graduate Diploma in Democratic Administration [Candidate], Department of Political Science, York University, Canada.


My six page criticism touches on the following:


  1. The Composition of the Judicial Service Commission – and how the AG has radically altered it; thus disenfranchising the civil society and magistrates from judicial governance. Bomas originally had 18 commission seats allocated to the Judicial Service Commission; Wako proposes only 8 seats – having rid the JSC of any civics, and magistrates, except two seats for advocates from the LSK. There were FIVE seats allocated for women under Bomas. All are gone.



  1. The Right to Housing has been altered. A clause in Bomas that was meant to specifically end the era where house demolitions and evictions proceeded without the authority of a court order – has vaporized. If anything, it points out how that era is most definitely not over. The text present in two clauses seems to have disappeared completely.



  1. A direct order to the Chief Justice, that would have him reorganize the rules governing court procedure (in the interests of the poor, illiterate, and those who travel long distances to court) have now vanished from the constitution. This order that was marked as ‘very particular’ and important, would have ordered the CJ implement major changes within 12 months of the constitution coming into force. It too can now officially be considered suspiciously as AWOL. But why should this be so? Such changes only serve to make the office of Attorney General seem cold and shadowy, and surely pave the way for a future legality of a cruel nature. The people of Kenya have a right to know about this before they vote in a referendum.



    26th August 2005

Shermit Lamba

c/o Mazingira Institute

PO Box 14550, Nairobi, Kenya.

Email: shermit_lamba@hotmail.com

Dear Friends,

1. The Composition of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) has been Radically Altered

The Judicial Service Commission is the organ which supervises the Judiciary, and is ultimately charged with maintaining the health of the Judiciary. In the Bomas Draft the (JSC) was given a specific shape and form meant to revitalize the Commission. The Wako draft constitution seriously threatens great gains that had been made by the civil society in promoting the independence of the judiciary via the (JSC). This change will have drastic repercussions in the administration of justice.

Under Bomas, the (JSC) would have had a full-time Chair. This person would need all the qualifications to be a Judge in the Supreme Court, but they didn’t have to be sitting on the bench. All that was required is that the new Chair be appointed by the President; and garner the approval of Parliament.

In the Wako draft, the (JSC) will now be chaired by the Chief Justice, who will share this responsibility with his other numerous laborious duties. Further, it is apparent that the number of seats on the Judicial Service Commission has been slashed from (18) to (8); effectively eliminating all civil-society seats.

The remainder of the (JSC) as constituted under Bomas, would have looked something like this:

JUDICIAL SERVICE COMMISSION – BOMAS DRAFT (Section 204)

The Attorney General

1 Supreme Court Judge

1 Court of Appeal Judge

1 High Court Judge

The Chief Kadhi

2 Magistrates (1 Woman)

2 LSK Advocates (1 Woman)

2 Law Teachers (1 Woman)

1 Council of Legal Education

1 Chair - Public Service Commission

3 NGO seats (1 Woman)

1 Muslim Woman



The composition of the remainder of the (JSC) as contained in the Wako draft looks like this:

JUDICIAL SERVICE COMMISSION – WAKO DRAFT (Section 196)

The Attorney General

1 Supreme Court Judge

1 Court of Appeal Judge

1 High Court Judge

2 LSK Advocates

1 Nomination by the Public Service Commission



Sincerely,

Shermit Lamba (Jurist)

B.A,B.Sc, LL.M.Dist.



26th August 2005

Shermit Lamba

c/o Mazingira Institute

PO Box 14550, Nairobi, Kenya.

Email: shermit_lamba@hotmail.com

Dear Friends,

2. The Right to Not be Evicted; or Have Your House Demolished (Without A Court Order), Goes Missing in the Wako Draft.

I write to you having discovered that the Bomas draft has been altered in a manner that is worthy of public comment prior to the referendum. The matter in question centers on the Bill of Rights as presented in the Wako draft, and in particular Section 63 on Housing. It has come to my attention that two paragraphs (that would have prevented arbitrary house demolitions and evictions) have inextricably gone missing.

The missing text is highlighted below:

BOMAS DRAFT

THE BILL OF RIGHTS (Ch.5)

      Housing – Section 59

    59. (1) Every person has the right to have access to adequate housing.


      1. No person may be evicted from their home, or have their home demolished, without an order of court made after considering all the relevant circumstances.

    (3) Parliament may not enact any law that permits or authorizes arbitrary eviction.

I have attached to this letter, a transcription of relevant text as it appears in the Wako-draft, and have labeled it Appendix [A]. Please refer to it as needed.

Sincerely,


Shermit Lamba

(Jurist)

B.A,B.Sc, LL.M.Dist.



25th August 2005

Shermit Lamba

c/o Mazingira Institute

PO Box 14550, Nairobi, Kenya.

Email: shermit_lamba@hotmail.com

Dear Friends,

3. A Law Which Will Be Instrumental in Determining the Future of Many Human Rights Legal Challenges in Kenya, Goes Missing in the Wako Constitution Draft.

A clause that would have been integral to any future human rights legal battles in Kenya has gone missing in the Wako draft constitution. This clause was noted in the Bomas Draft to be ‘particular’ in its importance because it specifically ordered the Chief Justice to redefine the rules governing court proceedings in a specific way – not a small task. Further, the Bomas constitution demanded that the contents of that clause be met within 12 months, or the CJ could risk violating his constitutional directives. Such a directive was present in the Bomas draft in the following form, but is missing in the Wako draft:

[The highlighted text is missing in the Wako draft which retains much of the remainder of this section. The text would have ordered the Chief Justice to re-define the rules that govern court proceedings in a subtle yet profound way as regards applications seeking the enforcement of fundamental human rights.]



BOMAS DRAFT

THE BILL OF RIGHTS (Ch.5)

Right to ask the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice or Court to uphold the Bill of Rights.

Section 73

(3) The Chief Justice shall within one year of the coming into operation of this Constitution, make rules providing for court proceedings contemplated in clause (1), and those rules shall satisfy the following criteria -

(a) that the rights of standing provided for in this Article are fully facilitated;

(b) that formalities for starting proceedings are kept to the minimum, in particular that the courts will, if necessary, be prepared to start proceedings on the basis of informal documentation, such as a letter or newspaper report;

(c) that the courts, while observing the rules of natural justice, shall respond to the justice of the claim and not be unreasonably restricted by technical requirements;

(d) that no fee may be charged for commencing proceedings under the Article; and

(e) that organisations or individuals with particular expertise may appear before the court as ‘amicus curiae’ (friend of the court).

This legal clause, which has been removed, would have done that which most post-colonial countries desperately need to be addressing in their legal reforms: Recognizing where strategic changes in administration can be made, so as to eliminate needless suffering caused by the strangle-hold of a legal system too-rigidly founded on the affidavit system of evidence, that has aggravated this suffering; and perhaps even become deleterious to the system of enforcement and protection of the rights of its citizenry? We must grasp that the Bomas draft had a better understanding of how the post-colonial legal system should change to genuinely address the needs of poor people, the needs of the illiterate, and the needs of those who travel vast distances (where a simple affidavit may turn out to be the biggest obstacle for some to traverse on their long path to justice). This piece of law would have changed all of that forever, and is based in the doctrine of ‘epistolary locus’ pioneered by former Chief Justice Bhagwati of the Indian Supreme Court.

This law would have ensured that to begin proceedings in court where a ‘human rights’ violation had been averred, lesser forms of evidence than that of an affidavit could now be considered sufficient to initiate legal proceedings. Under this clause, a person (or group of persons), could now seek remedy from the courts with such bare bone evidence as a letter, or scraps of newspaper that detailed a human rights violation. The Wako draft does not compel any court to do this at all. Let alone charge the CJ into swift action to redefine the rules of court procedure to suit these needs.

This law would have paved a new way forward for the Kenyan court system to address how it administrates the handling of the rights and entitlements of the citizenry, and in a truly beneficent manner too. It would be very unfortunate if such an omission was due to some clerical error.

It is true that the choice of the Wako draft when compared the current operational constitution is the hands down winner; this, however should not excuse such an omission. Especially since it was a particular, clear, and direct administrative order to the Chief Justice. Further, if this order was left out because of oversight, I only hope that news of such a shortcoming is addressed when the Attorney-General confronts the matter of any errata he may have committed during his conversion of text.

I hope that these thoughts will be party to any debate about the future of the legal system in Kenya, via its new constitution. I have attached to this letter a transcription of relevant text as it appears in the Wako-draft in regards to this matter, and I have labeled it Appendix [B]. Please refer to it as needed.

Sincerely,

Shermit Lamba

(Jurist)

B.A,B.Sc, LL.M.Dist.

APPENDIX [A]

(Housing Rights)


WAKO DRAFT

BILL OF RIGHTS (Ch6)

PART II – FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS & FREEDOMS

Housing

63. Every person has the right to affordable and adequate housing.

[TWO MISSING CLAUSES REGARDING THE PREVENTION ARBITRARY EVICTIONS AND HOUSE DEMOLISHING SHOULD APPEAR HERE]



APPENDIX [B]

(Epistolary Locus)



WAKO DRAFT

BILL OF RIGHTS (Ch6)

Section 32

(3) For the purposes of clause (1), the Chief Justice shall make rules of procedure which shall satisfy the criteria that –

(a) the right of standing provided for in this Article is fully facilitated;

(b) formalities relating to the proceedings are kept to the minimum; [THE DISPUTED CLAUSE SHOULD APPEAR HERE].

(c) the court, while observing the rules of natural justice, shall not be unreasonably restricted by technical requirements;

(d) no fee may be payable by an indigent person for commencing proceedings under this Article; and

(e) an organisation or individual with particular expertise may, with the leave of the court, appear as a friend of the court.

***********************************************************************************

Editorial Note from Onyango Oloo, Kenya Democracy Project, Montreal, Quebec:

We truly appreciate the timely scholarly/activist intervention of Shermit Lamba who is also the author of the following publications:


Towards New Constitution of Kenya: Essentail Ideas of Justice, Principle and Process


Title: Towards New Constitution of Kenya: Essential Ideas of Justice, Principle and Process

Author: Shermit Lamba

Published By: Mazingira Institute, Nairobi, Kenya, 2000.

Type of Publication: Monograph

ISBN#: 9966-9994-4-2
Abstract: The article first summarizes the stalemate in public debate on a new constitution for Kenya at the turn of the millennium. It then discusses the fundamental ideas of justice and principle which should guide the process of constitution making. These are analyzed in the context of Kenyan realities. Four models of constitution making that have been articulated in public debate are examine: the constituent assembly, executive branch, evolutionary and parliamentary models. These are evaluated in relation to justice and principle and guides to the process are outlined. Finally, the constituent assembly and parliamentary models are compared in relation to justice, principle and the realities of power in Kenya.





Conceptualizing a Just Freedom:
In Search of Life and Virtuous Governance in Kenya

Title: Conceptualizing a Just Freedom: In Search
of Life and Virtuous Governance in Kenya

Author: Shermit Lamba

Published By: Mazingira Institute, Nairobi,
Kenya, 2000.

ISBN# 9966-9994-4-2

Abstract: The article delves into "What are the fundamental questions that we need to ask ourselves as Kenyans when searching for a new constitution?" A critique of the philosophical roots of ideas that govern choices about the future leads to the formulation of an approach to just governance. Essential principles of social justice and rights are developed, based on a critique of the dominant metanorm of globalization and neo liberalism in general. The idea of virtuous governance is proposed, and even a strategy for change towards putting it in practice.






Kenyan Courts


Title: There is a better way:An intoduction to the Development as Freedom Approach

Author: Shermit Lamba

Published By: Mazingira Institute. 2002`

Abstract:
"There shall be a fundamental right to good standing locus standii, including the fundamental right to epistolary standing (through written correspondence) to move the court for a remedy…for anyone acting in the public or common good."

This is just one of the proposed provisions of the new constitution that would mark a radical departure from the legal principles and practices in Kenya in this presentation to the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission (CKRC) by Shermit Lamba, Kenyan Jurist. It is couched in a comprehensive proposal for democratizing the judiciary, and for the administration of justice and courts in Kenya-areas that in the past have failed to foster trust between the ruled and the rulers in the context of an unequal social contract.

The proposals are, therefore made in the context of genuinely fresh constitution making-with the end of restoring trust between the people and a new people owned state.

This solidly valuable contribution covers wide ground. It addresses the concept of the role of the judiciary in the administration of the rule of law, in enforcing fundamental rights, creating trust between state and government and republic. It addresses the question of locus standii and boldly proposes opening up the courts to the people by the liberal interpretation of the right of good standing. Beyond this the contribution grapples with the political, procedural and bureaucratic aspects of liberalizing access to justice by the broad spectrum of Kenya's citizens.

It proposes the creation of three councils that will ensure a democratized judiciary. The Judicial Appointment Council will be anchored in the people, for the council will be recruited through advertisement, which will give broad sections of the society (incuding disadvantaged groups) the opportunity to apply for inclusion. The Judicial Complaints Council will listen to accusations against Judges. And the novel Judicial Marches council will be based on the Indian model, a programme that encourages judges to "take long marches through remote villages to solve people's grievances"; these judges are empowered to convert letters alleging rights violations into petitions.

The Contributions finally addresses the question of enforcing the concept of the separation of powers in rural villages, by creating empowered village and and neighborhood courts-thereby liberating the majority of Kenya's people from the unconstitutional domination of a provincial administration which plays a quasi-judicial and quasi punitive role.

After grappling with the nitty-gritty of matters like court buildings, court adornments and creating filing systems, the author of this contribution offers convincing answers to his initial questions: What does the most socially just legal system look like? How do you build it? How do you operate it?

It is constitution-making time in Kenya. All of us want to study this document.





A Post-Colonial Theory of Justice: Towards the new Constitution of Kenya.


Title:A Post-Colonial Theory of Justice: Towards the new Constitution of Kenya.

Author: Shermit Lamba

Published By: Mazingira Institute, Nairobi, 1982.

Abstract:
Kenya stands at a crossroads-desperately needing to overcome a crisis in its governance for it's very survival as a viable nation-state. The glaring symptoms of its crisis range from the spectre of bloody tribal clashes, a looming but uncertain presidential transition to the inability of millions of households to sustain livelihoods.

some people hope the planned constitutional review may go some way into resolving the crisis, and the continuing debate about the constitution has not been wholly drowned by the national despair and despair-generated apathy.

This book is the autho's concerned and well reasoned contribution to this debate. the author starts at the beginning-the imposition on the peoples of kenya of a colonial state constituted on the basis of imperial-inspired contract law and philosophy. He demonstrates that Kenya has remained shackled tothis legal tradition through the years of it's independence. The highlights of this concise book, a piece of writing packed with incisive thought per square centimetre, are the author's suggestions about how Kenya can liberate itself from this tardition.

The suggestions are encased in the author's strikingly fresh theory which marries the notions of "justice as process" and justice as substance"-as a check, as fairness-addressing the plight of the weak and the oppressed. Does the author manage a marriage of liberal and socialist jurisprudence?

His suggestions on how to constitute the offices of law in a anew dispenstion will surely excite lively debate.


Wednesday, August 17, 2005

A Prelminary Analysis of The Kilfi Draft

(This document has been prepared by some Kenya-based Kenyans, including SOME, but not all of the Constitutional Review of Kenya Commissioners in July 2005)

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Chapter One: Sovereignty of the People and Supremacy of the Constitution

Article 1 on sovereignty of the people has been fundamentally altered to limit the exercise of the sovereignty of the people. The Draft Constitution of Kenya 2004 (The Bomas Draft) had envisaged the exercise of the sovereignty of the people at the national and devolved levels of government. References to devolved government have been removed and replaced with district government. The concept of devolution has therefore been alienated and abandoned from the word go in the PSC Recommendations/Kilifi Draft. This departs from the objects and values of the Review Act, the views and aspirations of the people and the principles and philosophy of the Draft Constitution of Kenya 2004 (The Bomas Draft). This Chapter was neither contentious nor do the issues fall in the Chapters listed by PSC as containing contentious issues. The Kilifi Draft proposals to amend the Chapter are not supported by the recommendations by the PSC or the proceedings in the National Assembly.

Chapter Two: The Republic

Article 5 of the Draft Constitution of Kenya 2004 (The Bomas Draft) on Territory, which establishes the units of devolution and entrenches them in the Constitution has been fundamentally altered by the removal of the first schedule, which defines and entrenches the regions, districts and boroughs in the Constitution. The power to establish internal boundaries and devolved units of Kenya has now been removed from the people, exercising their sovereignty through the constitution and vested in Parliament through legislation. The shift of sovereignty from the people alters the basic design of devolution as it goes to the very foundation of its definition. Indeed, the concept of devolution ceases to exist in the PSC Recommendations/Kilifi Draft. Whereas article 5 of the Draft Constitution of Kenya 2004 (The Bomas Draft) had defined the number and boundaries of districts and regions, the PSC Recommendations/Kilifi Draft have bestowed this responsibility on Parliament. The grant of this power to Parliament to define and establish another level of government creates a subordinate relationship as opposed to a coordinate relationship between the levels of government.

Article 6 of the Draft Constitution of Kenya 2004 (The Bomas Draft) has been altered by removing the locational and regional levels of government, fundamentally affecting the exercise of the sovereignty of the people. The recommended arrangement not only creates a huge distance between the national and district levels of governments, but by the removal o the locational level of government also takes the government far away from the people, alienating them from the government and governance. Accordingly, the recommended arrangement fundamentally negates the principles of devolution such as efficient and proximate services, public participation and democratic self-government. Although article 6(2) on the principles of distinct, interdependent, consultative, negotiative and cooperative government has been left intact, there are no arrangements and structures for their realisation because the idea of devolution has been abolished and institutional arrangements such as the Senate have been scrapped. The upshot of the recommendations would be to move away from the envisaged consultative and negotiative system of government in the Draft Constitution of Kenya 2004 (The Bomas Draft) to a discretionary controlled system with the national level of government calling the shots. The article remains an empty lofty declaration. These amendments are proposed on the premise that they are consequential matters on devolution. Yet fact is that these articles are principle setting provisions in the chapter on the Republic and as such the PSC had no mandate to effect changes to them as they were not identified as a contentious issue.

The Draft Constitution of Kenya (Bomas Draft) establishes Nairobi as the capital city of Kenya based on the views of the people. The determination of the capital was envisaged as a constitutive function, which should be performed by the people through the constitution and not Parliament. The conferment of the power to Parliament as in the PSC Recommendations/Kilifi Draft negates the sovereignty of the people and runs counter the views and aspirations of the people.

The Hansard record shows that this proposal was rejected by the ruling of the Speaker of the National Assembly on grounds that the PSC exceeded it mandate and that the matter was not consequential. The changes in this chapter are fundamental and not consequential to those in any other chapter. These recommendations depart from the objects and values of the Review Act, the views and aspirations of the people and the principles and philosophy of the Draft Constitution of Kenya 2004 (The Bomas Draft). The Attorney General should ignore these proposals because the Chapter was neither contentious nor was it listed by the National Assembly as contentious.

Chapter Four: Citizenship

Article 17 on citizenship and marriage has been altered by deleting the words “is entitled on application” and substituting therefor the words “is entitled to apply.” Under s. 91 of the current Constitution of Kenya

A woman who has been married to a citizen of Kenya is entitled, upon making application in such manner as may be prescribed by or under an Act of Parliament, to be registered as a citizen of Kenya.

Kenyans felt that this provision discriminates against women and recommended that the right be expanded to include women in order to remove this discrimination. The Commission accepted this recommendation and its Report and Draft Bill (2002) provided in this regard, in article 20 (1), that:

A person who has been married to a citizen of Kenya for a period of not less than three years is entitled, on application, to be registered as a citizen of Kenya.

During deliberations at the National Constitutional Conference, objections to the expansion of this right to cover women were raised on the ground that this provision may be open to abuse. It was argued that non-citizen men would take advantage of Kenyan women [sic!] in order to gain the right to be registered as Kenyan citizens. Upon reflection and negotiations, the Conference resolved that in order to remove the potential of abuse for both men and women, the three years waiting period be extended to seven years. This provision was, therefore, never identified as a contentious issue in the Sulumeti II Report. It is notable that the formulation is entitled upon making application, was never contentious in s. 91 of the current Constitution of Kenya when the right was only enjoyed by men. Since the underlying principle of the article is to eliminate sex-based discrimination, the proposed formulation in article 17(1) by the PSC Recommendations/ Kilifi Draft is untenable and should be abandoned.

The above arguments apply to the other formulations by the PSC Recommendations/Draft in the Chapter in respect of articles 16, 18 and 20 of the PSC (Kilifi). It must also...

Chapter Five: Culture

Article 26 of the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) on the National Commission on Culture has deleted in its entirety. Whereas the Chapter has laid down basic principles on culture, there is no institutional infrastructure for their realisation. The Commission as envisaged by the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) would actualise or operationalise the provisions of the chapter. The anchoring of the Commission in the Constitution gives it the status to protect the cultural values provided in the Chapter. Besides, the implementation of property, heritage and cultural rights in the Constitution would be rendered nugatory if the Commission has no constitutional status. Additionally, the clause that enjoined Parliament to enact consequential legislation to give effect to the provisions of the chapter has also been deleted thus doing away with the implementation framework. Note that this provision on facilitative legislation would be necessary even if the Commission were to be found unnecessary. Although the National Assembly purported to delete the article, it had no mandate to do so.

Chapter Six: Bill of Rights

The PSC Recommendations have placed limitations on some specific rights, namely the right to life (article 34), freedom of the media (article 50) and access to information (article 51). These recommendations proceed from the assumption that the Draft Constitution does not provide limitations to these rights and that they are absolute. This assumption is false because all the rights in the Bill of Rights are subject to limitations as provided for by article 33 of the Bill of Rights.

Additionally, there are more limitations that have been added to specific rights such as freedom of the media (article 50). The Bill of Rights in the current Constitution has been described as a Bill of Derogations because it grants rights with one hand and takes them away with the other. Comparative constitutional studies informed the Commission that the approach to the limitation of rights is based on an outdated model used in Europe in the 18th century. The European countries that have made and/or reviewed their constitutions since the mid 20th century, have departed from this archaic approach and have adopted a progressive approach which provides rights in separate articles and a single general limitation clause to be observed by any person or institution seeking to limit these rights. This approach began with the German Basic Law of 1949; was picked up by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982 and recently, in Africa, by both the Interim Constitution of South Africa of 1993 and the Final Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996. The main difference between the two approaches is that whereas the old approach emphasizes the limitation of rights, the new approach emphasises the enjoyment of rights and that rights are not absolute but are subject to limitations. This approach grants the power to limit rights but recognises that the power to limit rights is itself not unlimited. This approach therefore emphasizes the limitation of the power and the curtailment of arbitrariness. The burden of proof, therefore, shifts to the person or institution seeking to limit that right.

As such, to subject certain rights to specific limitations is to subject them to double limitation. Such double limitation would be in contravention of the objects of review and international human rights norms and standards.

Article 34 has been altered fundamentally by arrogating to Parliament the power to grant life and take away life. Yet the theory of human rights and the philosophy of the Bill of Rights in the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) posit that human rights are inherent, indivisible, inalienable and interdependent. Human rights therefore are entitlements by every human person, and are not granted by any external force or power. Parliament cannot therefore purport to have the power to grant or limit the right. By the same token, Parliament cannot purport to “permit” abortion in the circumstances it deems fit by legislation. Moreover, this takes us back to the old approach to the limitation of rights.

On article 36 on affirmative action, the PSC Recommendations bestow on Parliament the power to review affirmative action, which may include abolishing, affirmative action programmes. The theory of the Draft Constitution is that affirmative action is an all time value to be used for adjusting imbalances in society. The recommendations of the PSC are an affront to this theory.

The PSC has also fundamentally inserted a new article designed to undermine the justiciability of socio-economic rights by providing that the basic rights shall not be construed as imposing obligations on the state. In essence, the article seeks to limit the judiciary in its role of progressively interpreting the Bill of Rights, and in particular socio-economic rights. It must be appreciated that the realisation of socio-economic rights and basic rights was at the core of the views and aspirations of the people of Kenya. It must also be appreciated that this matter was not a contentious issue. See article 60 of the PSC/ Kilifi Draft.

Article 71 has also been deleted yet it cannot be understood why a person should issue or obey unlawful instructions. The right should be left the way it is.

Article 74 has introduced three new clauses one of which has made provision for Parliament to legislate on how the courts of law should exercise jurisdiction in cases of contempt. This will undermine the independence of the judiciary and the principle for separation of powers.

The proposals to delete article 75(2) of the Draft Constitution are designed to take away all the rights of persons in custody in the constitution. The removal of this article also confers on Parliament the discretion of determining what rights should be granted to persons in custody. It is to be acknowledged that the rights of a person held in custody are fundamental rights, and this was a major concern of the people during the collection of views. The deletion of the right as formulated in the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) has taken away the entire gamut of rights and freedoms that sought to be protected under the article.

Notably, these recommendations were not contentious issues at the National Constitutional Conference. With the exception of the right to life, the Chapter was never contentious.

Chapter Seven: Land and Property

The theory of government in the Draft Constitution of Kenya (Bomas Draft) is that the purpose of governance is the proper management and development of resources and equitable distribution thereof. As a primary resource, the management and development of land is crucial to the stability of society. It is to be recalled that the use and management of land was a primary concern of the people of Kenya during the collection of the views by the Commission. The people of Kenya considered that in order to address the current problems over the use, ownership, allocation and alienation of land, there should be constitutional provisions on the management and use of land. It was also considered that the state had failed to mange land resources effectively and fairly. It was therefore considered that the management of land should be vested in an independent institution, the National Land Commission. The deletion of the Commission from the Draft Constitution will therefore vest the management of land in Parliament and the Executive.

The Draft Constitution envisages that public land should be administered by the National Land Commission on behalf of the people. Without the National Land Commission there will be public land with no institution to manage and administer. See article 78 and 79 of the Draft Constitution of Kenya (2004). The argument that the Land Commission can be removed on the basis that it is consequential to devolution is erroneous. The National Land Commission was designed to implement the principles on the Chapter on Land. It must be noted that consequential amendments flow from the principle, and as such the ruling on the Chapter on the Environment should be followed in this Chapter. The Attorney General should therefore ignore the proposal to delete the National Land Commission.

Chapter Eight:Environment and Natural Resources

It was considered that the management of the environment should be vested in an independent institution, the National Environment Commission, anchored in the Constitution. The proposed deletion of the Commission from the Draft Constitution will therefore vest the management of the environment in Parliament and the Executive. It is important to note that the Speaker of the National Assembly ruled that this proposal exceeded the mandate of the PSC and rejected the proposal and ruled the retention of the Commission.

Chapter Nine: Leadership and Integrity

The republican theory of government demands that those who hold office do so for a limited period of time and during the pleasure of the people and during their good behaviour. During the National Constitutional Conference, it was argued that the recall mechanism earlier provided in the Draft Constitution (2002) had only targeted Members of Parliament and further that the mechanism was subject to abuse. It was agreed that public scrutiny, through the ethics and integrity infrastructure established in the Chapter on Leadership and Integrity be for all leaders. Architecturally, the Ethics and Integrity Commission would form the cornerstone for upholding ethical standards in the holders of public office.

The Draft Constitution envisages that the Ethics and Integrity Commission will ensure ethical standards in pubic office. The Commission would deal with constitutional offices, and as such it should have constitutional status. It must be emphasised that the Draft Constitution seeks to reorient leadership and governance, and part of the implementing infrastructure is the Ethics and Integrity Commission. The Commission would have several functions, including anticorruption and enforcing ethical codes. The proposed establishment of the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission runs counter the philosophy of the Draft Constitution which sees anti-corruption as just one aspect of ethics and integrity. To ensure the independence of the Commission, it must be safeguarded in the Constitution. If left for legislation, it would be relegated to a weak institution that cannot enforce ethical standards in public office. The Attorney General should ignore these proposals because the Chapter was neither contentious nor was it listed by the National Assembly as contentious.

Chapter Ten: Representation of the People

The Chapter, which seeks to establish principles for representation of the people has been amended fundamentally by the PSC Recommendations/Draft. The Draft Constitution sought to balance political party interests and other special interests, and adopted mechanisms for ensuring that these interests are represented. Article 102 of the Draft Constitution sought to establish representation of all interests and regions through the Senate. The Draft sought to address the first-past-the-post (majoritarian) system because of its inherent unfairness by establishing National Assembly constituencies based on weighted population and a Senate with equal representation based on regions. The Senate takes into account some measure of equality regardless of population and size and its scrapping has further ramifications in the representation in Parliament. The proposals by the PSC shift representation to political parties, with no clear representation of regional and special interests e.g. workers, women. The idea of political parties as the basis of representation is also discriminatory as it does not give room for representation of independent candidates. It must also be noted that this Chapter was not listed as contentious by the National Assembly.

Chapter Eleven:The Legislature

On article 124 of the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) on the qualifications and disqualifications for election as a member of Parliament, the PSC recommends that persons who have been removed from office on grounds of misconduct should be eligible for election, yet the Bomas Draft had envisaged that to uphold the integrity of Parliament, such persons should not be qualified for election. On membership of the Parliament, the scrapping of the Senate has led to loss of representation of women and other groups that the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) had sought to secure their representation in the parliamentary process.

The PSC has also recommended the deletion of marginalized groups which the Draft Constitution had sought to enhance their protection. The upshot of this is to remove the guarantee of the participation of these groups in the parliamentary process and governance generally.

The Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) had envisaged that lawmaking would undergo process of consideration by the two chambers of Parliament before approval. The two-chamber parliament would provide a negotiative and consultative law making process and the scrapping of the Senate and the deletion of the provisions of article 134 on consideration of legislation by both Houses will undermine the requirement for consultative lawmaking. At the same time, the deletion of the provisions on the decisions of the Senate will undermine the principles of geo-equality and unity in diversity. The essence of this article was to ensure checks and balances on decision-making. The deletion of these provisions will therefore render the principle of unity in diversity elusive. All other articles which had provisions on shared functions between the Senate and the NA have been deleted, undermining checks on Parliament.

The design of the Draft Constitution 2004 (Bomas Draft) has provided for oversight over the governance process by the people through their representatives, namely Parliament. In checking these powers, Parliament’s oversight role has been expanded in the Draft Constitution. The Legislature’s ability to perform this role effectively depends on the design of this institution. The establishment of a bicameral Parliament enhances the ability of Parliament’s oversight by establishing two levels of checks. For instance, the vetting of executive appointments will be subjected to effective checks by requiring that the each of the two chambers is not arbitrary. It is obvious that the amount of vetting by lawmakers expected in the new Constitution cannot be practically and effectively undertaken by one chamber. The sharing of this vetting function seeks to enhance consultation and negotiation in governance, because the composition of the Senate sought to ensure regional representation. The scrapping of the Senate transferring this functions to the National Assembly will undermine the consultations envisaged and the checks intended in a bicameral Parliament. The upshot is that the National Assembly will be all-powerful; in terms of vetting, and will undermine the capacity to vet appointments such as those of the members of the cabinet.

The PSC Recommendations fortify the Public Service Commission, yet it emasculates the other constitutional commissions. Article 147 has been amended to provide that the PSC shall not be under the direction of supervision of any person or authority.

The proposed changes on chapter ten and eleven leave the electoral system intact: the first past the post system. Yet the majority of those who gave their views sought the reform of this system. It must also be indicated that the Constitution of Kenya Review Act required the people of Kenya to review the electoral system.

Chapter Twelve:The Executive

The construction of executive power is informed by constitutional theory on systems of government namely the

    • Presidential;

    • Parliamentary; and

    • hybrid (semi-presidential and semi parliamentary) systems.

In a presidential system, the chief executive is both the head of state and head of government, and there is a clear and distinct separation between the legislature and the executive. Under this arrangement, members of the executive are not drawn from the legislature. In a parliamentary system, the head of state and the head of government are separate, with the former playing a ceremonial role, such as the Westminster model. In this system of government, the executive is drawn from the legislature.

The hybrid system of government has two variants: the semi-presidential systems and the semi-parliamentary systems. The semi-presidential tilts executive power towards the President such as the French Constitution whereas the semi-parliamentary system tilts executive power towards the Premier as in the German Constitution. In each of these systems, there are checks and balances designed to suit it and these checks cannot be substituted for the other. The historical context in Kenya is instructional in that the Constitution was changed after independence from a parliamentary to a presidential system, without instituting checks suitable for a presidential system. The upshot is that the current Constitution has neither the parliamentary checks nor the presidential checks leading to what has been referred to as an “imperial presidency.”

In reconciling the competing views of the people of Kenya, the Draft Constitution has adopted a mixed system of government that takes into account the advantages of all the different systems of government. The PSC Recommendations depart from this approach and proposes a presidential system but does not adopt the relevant and requisite checks and balances. Although reference has been made to the Tanzanian model in regard to the recommendations by the PSC by commentators, it has not been pointed out that the Tanzanian model is a purely presidential system, with no checks and balances. Besides, the Tanzanian model, like the current Kenyan imperial presidency evolved from a dictatorial single-party system.

On the whole, the recommendations of the PSC deviate from the fundamental principles and the objects of the review. It also deviates from the sovereignty of the people, by seeking to vest sovereignty in the presidency, reinstalling a monarchy. Even though the PSC and political parties subscribed to the Naivasha Accord on the structure of the executive, the recommendations of the PSC do not conform to it.

Article 150(3) has been amended by deleting the provision that the national executive shall reflect the regional and ethnic diversity of the people of Kenya. It must be recalled that the people of Kenya had called for equity in the constitution of the national executive and the proposals in the PSC Recommendations run counter the views of the people of Kenya.

The PSC also recommends a monolithic executive, the President, in whom all executive authority resides. Whereas the Draft Constitution of Kenya (2004) (Bomas Draft) has delegated executive power to the President, Deputy President, Prime Minister and Ministers, the recommendations have concentrated executive power on one institution, the presidency. In addition, it must be noted that the Draft Constitution of Kenya (2004) (Bomas Draft) has sought to establish executive authority at different levels, at the national and devolved government. As such, under the proposed changes, the President will be the repository of ALL executive authority of the Republic, and any other institution exercising executive authority will do so as a delegate or agent of the President. It must be noted that article 1 distinguishes between the executive at the national and devolved levels. Under devolved government, it is envisaged that executive authority will repose in the devolved executive, yet this article vests all executive authority in the President. The recommendations have therefore increased the powers of the President, as the Head of Government and the Head of State, and the repository of all executive authority.

Although the recommendations of the PSC have created the office of the Prime Minister, the office is in essence superfluous as it is fundamentally different from the office of Prime Minister envisaged by article 172 of the Draft Constitution of Kenya (2004) (Bomas Draft). First, the office has not been vested with executive authority as this has been vested only in the President. Second, the office has been granted with no functions, but for the functions currently exercised by the Vice President, namely leader of government business.

The PSC recommends a presidential model with no requisite checks and balances. There is no clear and distinct separation of powers between the executive and the legislature as the Ministers will be appointed from the National Assembly, and some members from outside Parliament. Consequently, the proposed system will still exhibit a higher level of control over the Legislature by the presidency. It must be recalled that the people of Kenya had overwhelmingly supported the idea of a lean government, and had recommended that in addition to limiting the number of ministers, the new constitution should provide that cabinet ministers should be appointed from outside Parliament. The PSC Recommendations have not set the limit of the number of ministers.

On checks and balances, one of the mechanisms namely the impeachment process, has been remodelled by the PSC recommendations as a result of which the process is now an impotent one. The recommendations provide for a unilateral system of the parliamentary process for impeachment as opposed to the one envisaged by article 164 of the Draft Constitution of Kenya (2004) (Bomas Draft), which would be taken through the Senate and the National Assembly to ensure due process of law. Further, checks such as those on the appointment of the Prime Minister under article 173, the cabinet under article 177 and Principal Secretaries under article 181 of the Draft Constitution of Kenya (2004) (Bomas Draft) that envisaged consultation in the appointment (and dismissal) of the holders of these offices have also been removed by the PSC Recommendations.

Finally, the PSC Recommendations also seek to establish the offices of the Attorney General, Director of Public Prosecutions and the Public Defender under the Chapter on the Executive.

On the whole, it must be emphasised that the system proposed by the National Assembly is unlikely to assist in overcoming the culture of authoritarianism. Under the proposals, the office of the presidency would continue to be the focus of elections, the lynchpin of party organization and the fount of all power. Given Kenya’s history, an over–powerful presidency would retard the effective separation of powers as Parliament would become the rubberstamp of the executive and the judiciary would remain subservient to the executive. It would further promote fears of ‘ethnicisation’ as well as personalisation of state power.

Chapter Thirteen: The Judicial and Legal System


The removal of the vetting by Parliament will also affect the independence of the judiciary.

Chapter Fourteen:Devolution

Article 207(2), which provided for the coordination of regional programmes and projects, by the regional governments, has been deleted. At the same time, Article 207(3) which provided that the principal role of the Senate is to provide an institution through which the devolved levels of government share and participate in the formulation and enactment of national legislation and to protect the interests of the Regional, District and Locational Governments has been deleted. Although these are consequential the deletions will impact on co-operative and shared governance as an object of devolution.

One of the objects of the Draft Constitution was to insulate devolved governments from subordination and emasculation by the national or any other upper level of government, this object has been lost by the national government arrogating itself the power to dictate the nature and mechanism of its relationship with the devolved government through legislation. By this new provision the national government can stymie the people’s structures of governance at the local level.

Further, the whole concept of devolved governments being protected from adverse legislation by the national government, by requiring that national legislation has to meet certain objective criteria for it to prevail over devolved government’s legislation on own and concurrent functions, has been turned upside down by the Kilifi Draft proposal that national legislation automatically prevails over district government legislation on concurrent matters. It is also not clear on non-concurrent matters. In effect, this renders the district assemblies toothless and ineffective gatherings in areas where the national government has interests.

In addition, article 210B(2) through which the Senate provided protection to the devolved governments against arbitrary suspension by the President has been deleted and consequently the President may suspend a district government merely on the recommendation of a Commission of Inquiry appointed by him/her. The idea of the involvement of the Senate in this enterprise was to shield the devolved governments, and further provide a second check by the regions through their representatives in the Senate.

The so-called National Forum is unprecedented in devolved systems world-over and cannot be a substitute for either the Senate or the Regional Governments for the following reasons:

  • why would one call a national meeting of all district governments to discuss a matter between two or more districts in one corner of the country as envisaged by Article 221(2) of the Kilifi Draft;

  • though a provision is provided for the district governments to form forums, it is a clever manoeuvre to water down the people’s wishes for effective regional governments;

  • unlike in the Senate where the participation of devolved governments was guaranteed, the idea of the National Forum advising the government is a publicity stunt since the advice by the District Forum is non-binding on the National government with no mechanism requiring compliance by the National government; and

  • Granting one level of government (through Parliament) the power to solely legislate on matters of enabling another government without that government’s participation, as previously envisaged in the Senate, is a farce and indeed would lead to re-centralisation of governance as it happened after independence. This is real where you have a centralist1 President and Party in power.

Article 219(1) (c), on elections to the district legislature, has been adulterated by the sneaking in of a clause requiring that five percent (5%) of the total membership be reserved for political party nominees. The theory behind nominated members of representative bodies is to bring in the views and voices of those who could not be elected through the majoritarian electoral process e.g. the women, marginalized and minority groups, professionals e.tc. However, it is strange that political parties whose candidates will have been elected directly and form the majority of the legislature would want to muzzle other constituencies through the pretext of special party interests. What are these special party interests that those members of the party elected directly cannot represent? It is a ploy to reward party cronies and induce party worship! Furthermore, the people in their views to the Commission said elections at the local level may not be on a party basis.

The mutilation of the people’s views from the Draft Constitution through the deletion of structures of participatory government at the location level and leaving them at the mercy of Parliament and District Government is most unfortunate. The people in their submissions to the Commission and at Bomas demanded for effective governance and efficient service delivery closest to them. Indeed in some areas they felt that the location was remote to them.

Article 228A (1) that requires that at any time, not more than two-thirds of the members of any assembly, council or executive committee constituted under the chapter on Devolution are to be of the same sex has been deleted.

Article 239 (5) of the Bomas Draft that required prompt transfer of a devolved government’s share of revenue raised nationally without deduction, except when the transfer has been stopped under Article 255(2), has been modified by introduction of the following provision “deductions may be made to offset obligations due to the National Government and default in such obligations would be detrimental to the national interests”. Unlike in the Bomas Draft where the people of Kenya fixed the level of indebtedness of their country relative to the Gross Domestic Product at not more than 50%, the Kilifi Draft gives Parliament the discretion to determine the country’s level of indebtedness.

ChapterNineteen:Constitutional Commissions

The PSC Recommendations have scrapped a number of Commissions established in the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) and provided that they be established by legislation. The PSC approach disregards the underlying philosophy in the design of constitutional commissions and constitutional offices in the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft). The commissions and constitutional offices created in the Draft Constitution are part of the institutional framework for the implementation of the Draft Constitution. The institutional design of the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) has expanded the traditional form that creates separation of powers and checks and balances between the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. Informed by the views of the people, our history and constitutional developments in the world over, the design of the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft) expands these roles of implementation of the Constitution and management of constitutionality to include constitutional commissions and offices.

The approach is that constitutional values and principles are accompanied by constitutional institutional framework that act as infrastructure for implementation of those values. For example, the chapters on the constitutive process of the state have two main institutional frameworks for implementation, namely the National Culture Commission and the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice. By the same token, the Chapter on Leadership and Integrity has the Ethics and Integrity Commission as the institutional framework for implementation. This approach of establishing constitutional commissions as infrastructure for implementation has been adopted throughout the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft). Their entrenchment in the Constitution gives them a constitutional basis for the management of constitutionality.

It must be appreciated that the powers of the legislature, like other organs, have been limited in the Draft Constitution (2004) (Bomas Draft). The Draft Constitution makes the people the repository of sovereignty, and limits the powers of the legislature. The National Assembly proceeds from a different approach by construing parliamentary power as emanating from the supremacy of Parliament instead of the supremacy of the Constitution, and that sovereignty resides in Parliament instead of the people. As such, the proposal that some of these commissions be established by statute is untenable. The intention of the people of Kenya was to create constitutionally protected commissions as opposed to statutory commissions which can be abolished any time hence undermining the management of constitutionality.

Conclusion:

It must be emphasised that by not confining themselves to chapters and issues identified by PSC, PSC Subcommittee violated and exceeded its mandate. Further, the identification of consequential matters was also beyond the mandate of the PSC, as these are the province of the AG in drafting the proposed new Constitution.


1 (adjective) concentrating political power in few hands: the concentration of control, especially political control, in a single authority

Thursday, August 04, 2005

CKRC Sends A Legal Note to Nyachae's Kilifi Draft Committee






LEGAL OPINION TO THE Parliamentary Select Committee AND COMMENTARY ON THE LAST PHASE OF THE REVIEW PROCESS FROM THE Constitution of Kenya Review Commission




Parliamentary Select Committee Chairman and Co-Author of Kilifi Draft, Mr.Simeon Nyachae

July 2005

Summary of Issues


1.Develop an objective criteria for building a national consensus;
2.Develop an objective criteria for making any possible changes to the Draft Constitution of Kenya (2004);
3.Analyse the Naivasha Accord vis-a-vis the above criteria.


Preamble

The Commission underscores and recognises the need to undertake national consensus on the new Constitution. This has been necessitated by the imperative of establishing a constitutional dispensation that is acceptable to the majority of Kenyans. Towards this end, the Constitution of Kenya Review Act (Cap 3A) has been amended to provide a framework for consensus building.

PART ONE: LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR CONSENSUS BUILDING


The Constitution of Kenya Review (Amendment) Act 2004 places a responsibility on the National Assembly and the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on the Review of the Constitution to spearhead the consensus building efforts.

(i)Identification of
Contentious Issues

In spearheading these consensus-building efforts and identifying contentious issues, the National Assembly will be required to undertake the following:

Receive and consider the Report of the Commission and the Draft Constitution as adopted by the National Constitutional Conference on 15th March 2004.
The PSC will identify and recommend to the National Assembly contentious issues in the Draft Constitution on which consensus is necessary.

The National Assembly, upon deliberation, will approve the list of contentious issues in the Draft Constitution.

Following the identification and approval of the list of contentious issues, subsequent consensus building efforts will be confined to the approved list of contentious issues. This shuts the door on other issues falling outside the list of approved contentious issues. This was designed to immunise the review process from perpetual limbo of contention.

(ii)Building Consensus on the Approved List of Contentious Issues

The Constitution of Kenya Review Act, as amended, provides that in considering the Report and Draft Bill, the National Assembly may undertake consultations to promote, initiate and facilitate a national consensus on the list of contentious issues as approved by the National Assembly.

Although this section uses the term may, this section read together with section 5 of the Constitution of Kenya Review Act obligates the National Assembly to undertake consultations to build a national consensus. Section 5 provides that the organs of the review shall

be accountable to the people of Kenya;
ensure that the review process accommodates the diversity of the Kenyan people;
ensure that the review process -
provides the people of Kenya with an opportunity to actively, freely and meaningfully participate in generating and debating proposals to alter the Constitution;
is conducted in an open manner; and
is guided by respect for the universal principles of human rights, gender equity and democracy; and
ensure that the final outcome of the review process faithfully reflects the wishes of the people of Kenya.

This section does not only obligate the National Assembly as one of the organs of the review to consult, but also defines the parameters, manner and quality of such consultations. This interpretation is based on the principle that the amendment could not have been intended to override the guiding principles of the review which are mandatory.

(iii)Processing the Contentious Issues

The law requires the PSC to conduct wide consultations and make recommendations on the contentious issues to the National Assembly.

The National Assembly is required to debate and adopt with or without amendment(s) the recommendations of the PSC.

(iv) Transmission of the Recommendations of the National Assembly to the AG

The National Assembly is required to transmit the Report of the Commission and the Draft Constitution and its recommendations on the contentious issues to the Attorney General.
Within thirty days, the Attorney General is required to incorporate the recommendations of the National Assembly into the Draft Constitution and publish the same as the proposed new Constitution.


(iv)Approval of the Proposed new Constitution by the People

The amended law under s. 27(3) requires the Electoral Commission to conduct a referendum to give the people of Kenya the opportunity to ratify the proposed new Constitution within 90 days after the AG publishes the proposed new Constitution.

On the whole, this legal framework together with the requirements on the holding of the referendum, raises legal concerns which were referred to in the statement of the Chairperson in our joint meeting with the PSC on Friday the 17th day of June 2005. The statement read in part that:

The Commission would like to seek an opportunity to discuss legal concerns with you so that the two bodies could brainstorm on the possible strategies for protecting the process from any challenge.

We look forward to the opportunity to raise these concerns before it is too late.

PART TWO: IMPERATIVES IN THE CONSIDERATION OF ANY CHANGES IN THE DRAFT CONSTITUTION

In considering any possible changes to the Draft Constitution, it is important to recognise and maintain a healthy relationship between the theoretical framework of values and the architectural design option chosen as infrastructure for the actualisation of those values. Often, a choice of a wrong architectural design option ends up rendering impossible the actualisation of the desired values and may end up reducing those values to mere platitudes. This may also result in a document that has internal inconsistencies and contradictions.

In particular, therefore, the consensus building efforts must respect and take cognisance of the following imperatives:

The Principles guiding the review process as enumerated in sections 3, 5, 17 and the relevant Schedules of the Constitution of Kenya Review Act;
Sections 3 and 17 in particular enumerate the governance values that must inform the new Constitution.

The Philosophy, architecture, and design of the Draft Constitution of Kenya as adopted by the National Constitutional Conference (Bomas); and
The necessity of respecting the basic structure and internal integrity of the Draft Constitution.


In our considered view, disregard of these parameters will not attain a national consensus acceptable to the majority of Kenyans and may lead to further acrimony and division of the country into factions, thus making it impossible to arrive at a legitimate outcome in the referendum, particularly taking into consideration the fact that up to the end of the National Constitutional Conference, the review process had cumulatively built a measure of consensus among the people. The Sulumeti I and II are testament to these efforts. The Sulumeti II, in particular, should be instructive in narrowing down what is in contention in the Draft Constitution. Given this background, it would be necessary to avoid reopening matters in which consensus had been attained at the National Constitutional Conference.

In an effort to build a national consensus, two significant steps have been taken since Bomas:

a)Political leaders representing parliamentary parties as represented in the Select Committee on the Review of the Constitution met in Naivasha in November 2004 and produced proposals to reach a national consensus. This has been documented in a report commonly referred to as the Naivasha Accord. The Commission was represented by five Commissioners, but only as observers.

b)The National Assembly has approved a list of Chapters in the Draft Constitution where contentious issues are to be found.


PART THREE: ANALYSIS OF THE NAIVASHA ACCORD ON THE BASIS OF THE THREE IMPERATIVES

The Naivasha Accord identified several issues as contentious and made proposals on how to resolve them as discussed below:

Chapter 4: Citizenship


a)The Naivasha Accord recommends that the provision on dual citizenship should allow for citizens of Kenya by birth. This recommendation is in agreement with the spirit of deliberations at the National Constitutional Conference.

b)The Naivasha Accord proposes under article 17(1) to delete the words “is entitled on application” and substitute therefor the words “is entitled to apply.”

Background to this provision

The current Constitution of Kenya under section 91 provides:

A woman who has been married to a citizen of Kenya is entitled, upon making application in such manner as may be prescribed by or under an Act of Parliament, to be registered as a citizen of Kenya.


Views of Kenyans

Kenyans felt that this provision discriminates against women and recommended that the right be expanded to include women in order to remove this discrimination. The Commission accepted this recommendation. The Report and Draft Bill (2002) provided in this regard, in article 20 (1), that:
A person who has been married to a citizen of Kenya for a period of not less than three years is entitled, on application, to be registered as a citizen of Kenya.

During deliberations at the National Constitutional Conference, objections to the expansion of this right to cover women were raised on the ground that this provision may be open to abuse. It was argued that non-citizen men would take advantage of Kenyan women in order to gain the right to be registered as Kenyan citizens. Upon reflection and negotiations, the Conference resolved that in order to remove the potential of abuse for both men and women, the three years waiting period be extended to seven years.

This provision was, therefore, never identified as a contentious issue in the Sulumeti II Report.

It is notable that the formulation is entitled upon making application, was never contentious in section 91 of the current Constitution of Kenya when the right was only enjoyed by men.

Recommendation: Since the underlying principle of the article is to eliminate sex based discrimination, we take the view that the proposed formulation in article 17(1) should be retained. As such the Naivasha accord proposal should be abandoned.



Chapter 6: Bill of Rights

The Naivasha Accord recommends limitations on some specific rights, namely the right to life (article 34), freedom of the media (article 50) and access to information (article 51). These recommendations proceed from the assumption that the Draft Constitution does not provide limitations to these rights and that they are absolute. This assumption is false because all the rights in the Bill of Rights are subject to limitations as provided for by article 33 of the Bill of Rights.

The Background to the limitation mechanism

The Bill of Rights in the current Constitution has been described as a Bill of Derogations because it grants rights with one hand and takes them away with the other. Comparative constitutional studies informed the Commission that the approach to the limitation of rights is based on an outdated model used in Europe in the 18th century. The European countries that have made and/or reviewed their constitutions since the mid 20th century, have departed from this archaic approach and have adopted a progressive approach which provides rights in separate articles and a single general limitation clause to be observed by any person or institution seeking to limit these rights. This approach began with the German Basic Law of 1949; was picked up by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982 and recently, in Africa, by both the Interim Constitution of South Africa of 1993 and the Final Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996. The main difference between the two approaches is that whereas the old approach emphasizes the limitation of rights, the new approach emphasises the enjoyment of rights but recognises that rights are not absolute but are subject to limitations. This approach grants the power to limit rights but recognises that the power to limit rights is itself not unlimited. This approach therefore emphasizes the limitation of the power and the curtailment of arbitrariness. The burden of proof, therefore, shifts to the person or institution seeking to limit that right.

As such, to subject certain rights to specific limitations is to subject them to double limitation. Such double limitation would be in contravention of the objects of the review and the international human rights norms and standards.


Recommendation: The Naivasha Accord’s recommendations under this Chapter are not necessary and as such we propose the retention of the articles therein as formulated. Notably, these recommendations were not contentious issues in Sulumeti II
.

Chapter 10: Representation of the People

The Naivasha Accord affirmed the Chapter on Representation in its entirety as not contentious.

Recommendation: We appreciate and support the recommendation of the Naivasha Accord that this Chapter should remain as it is in the Draft Constitution. Its inclusion in the new list of contentious issues by the National Assembly is therefore misplaced and erroneous.


Chapter 11: The Legislature

The Naivasha Accord recommends the scrapping of the Senate in the Draft Constitution. In place thereof, it recommends the establishment of a forum for the leaders of the Counties to meet and deliberate on issues affecting the Counties. The Accord further recommends a process of impeachment of the President by the National Assembly by a two-thirds majority of all members of the National Assembly.

These recommendations proceeded from the assumption that the only functions of the Senate would be the impeachment of the President and the provision of a forum for the leaders of the devolved governments to deliberate on the issues affecting their devolved governments.

In our considered opinion, the Senate is an indispensable and integral part of the basic structure of the Draft Constitution and its removal will undermine the internal integrity, philosophy, architecture and design of the document, thereby fundamentally altering the character and infrastructure designed to actualise the values of good governance in the new constitutional framework.

(i)The Role of the Senate in Devolution

The Draft Constitution has settled for a devolved system of government with government at the national and devolved levels. In this system of government, the legislative function at the national level is intended to be a shared function between the national level and the devolved levels of government. First and foremost, the Senate lies at the very heart of the definition of devolution. One of the main defining features of a devolved system of government is that the governments created at different levels are coordinate and not subordinate to each other. They are coordinate because each one of them derives its authority and legitimacy directly from the Constitution and not from another level of government. None is a mere agent of any of the other levels.

To maintain this constitutional theory and value of being coordinate, the architecture and design demand that the power to alter the instrument from which each derives its authority (the constitution) is shared and not arbitrarily and unilaterally exercised by a single level of government. If this power were not to be shared, the system would have been converted from being coordinate to being subordinate, and, therefore, no longer devolution. This is because the level of government that would have the unilateral power to alter the Constitution would be able through such alterations to abolish the other levels of government. Therefore, the design of a proper system of devolution requires the sharing of this power. In sharing these powers, the Constitution must provide the institutions through which the different levels of government will share these powers, hence the concept of a bicameral legislature.

In choosing a devolved system of government, Kenyans, informed by the current discretionary system of sharing resources, wanted to establish a system with minimised discretion and increased consultation and negotiation. Therefore, the devolved governments are given an opportunity to share in the passing of Money Bills, most importantly the division of revenue Bill. It is the Senate that provides the institution through which the devolved governments share this function. Without the Senate, therefore, we will revert back to the current system of political patronage in the sharing of resources by the centre.

(ii)Electoral Reform and Representation

The Commission received many proposals from the Kenyan people on how to reform the electoral and representation system. Broadly, these views may be classified into two categories: those who proposed the alteration of the first-past-the-post (majoritarian) system because of its inherent unfairness and those who made presentations on the relationship of representation and population on the one hand and representation and region/community of interest on the other. The solution for curing these competing interests was based on two philosophies: one was to balance between the competing interests of those who come from populous communities living in geographically small areas and those who come from less populous communities living in vast areas. The solution to this problem in the Bomas Draft Constitution is to have National Assembly constituencies based on weighted population and a Senate with equal representation based on regions. The Senate takes into account some measure of equality regardless of population and size. The design of the US and South African bicameral legislatures have adopted this principle of equality of States/Provinces in representation in the Senate.

(iii)Public Participation in the legislative process

The Draft Constitution has adopted a philosophy of public participation in governance. This has been done through different structures and processes. The bicameral legislature has been designed to ensure that the people participate in the legislative process directly and indirectly. The Senate would provide a second level for public participation in lawmaking. This is a fundamental right of the people to exercise their sovereignty. Indeed, this is key to the objects and principles guiding the constitutional review process, and its entrenchment would set the stage for a constitutional framework in which the people are primary to the governance process.

(iv)Expanding Representation

In presenting their views to the Commission, the people of Kenya demanded that there should be diversity of representation in the legislature. The Draft Constitution has provided for representation of different groups to this effect in the Senate. The theory of the Senate also seeks to remove the dynamics of party politics in the legislative process, by requiring that election /nomination to the Senate is non-partisan and not based on political parties. This would bring on board some members of Parliament not affiliated to any political party.


(v)Expanded Capacity of law making

It is envisaged that upon the coming into force of the new Constitution, a number of consequential legislations should be enacted to facilitate the realisation of the provisions of the Constitution. It is also envisaged that the legislative agenda under the new constitutional framework will be wider than under the current Constitution. A two chamber parliament provides for lawmaking simultaneously.

(vi) Expanded oversight responsibilities of Parliament

The design of the Draft Constitution has provided for oversight over the governance process by the people through their representatives, namely Parliament. In checking these powers, Parliament’s oversight role has been expanded in the Draft Constitution. The Legislature’s ability to perform this role effectively depends on the design of this institution. The establishment of a bicameral Parliament enhances the ability of Parliament’s oversight by establishing two levels of checks. For instance, the vetting of executive appointments will be subjected to effective checks by requiring that the each of the two chambers is not arbitrary. It is obvious that the amount of vetting by lawmakers expected in the new Constitution cannot be practically and effectively undertaken by one chamber.

(vii) The Impeachment Process

We also hold the view that it is impossible to have an impeachment process with integrity through one chamber of Parliament. The impeachment process is essentially a political and not a judicial process. Comparative constitutional studies show that there are two main reasons why it is political rather than judicial. First, its exclusion from the judicial domain immunises the judiciary from being embroiled in political fights and differences among elected leaders. It is now developed theory that the removal of a popularly elected leader must be undertaken by leaders similarly elected by popular mandate. This is based on the fact that there is real possibility of a sitting President opting to appeal to his popular mandate, which may be only countered by the Legislature which can also appeal to its electorate. The Judiciary cannot and should not step into this political arena and appeal to the electorate.

Second, in granting the impeachment power to the Legislature, the rules of natural justice must be observed. The fundamental tenets of this principle require that one cannot be a judge in his/her own cause, and that one cannot be prosecutor, jury, judge as well as executor in the same case. It is for this reason that in the USA experience, the Chief Justice sits in and chairs the impeachment proceedings in the Senate for purposes of ensuring that the rules of natural justice are observed. This has informed the approach followed in the Draft Constitution. In a presidential system of government, which by necessity, must have an impeachment process, a two-chamber legislature becomes necessary. One chamber is given the role of framing and initiating the charges, while the other chamber tries the charges.

Further, it is also important to note that a momentous political action of removing a sitting President would enjoy further legitimacy by requiring that a qualified majority be attained in two chambers. It is notable that the Naivasha Accord adopts a presidential system, with no clear separation between the Executive and the Legislature. If adopted, this arrangement would undermine the effectiveness and integrity of the impeachment process, should it be initiated, owing to the fact that members of the Executive sit in the National Assembly, and would naturally align themselves with the executive on the question of impeachment.

Additionally, the Senate would

Provide the infrastructure for the actualisation of the values and principles under the Chapters National Goals, Values and Principles, the Republic, Culture and the protection and realisation of human rights in the new constitutional dispensation.

Strengthen the legislative process and rationalise the process of lawmaking.
Enhance the gestation period of lawmaking.

Expand the range, number and quality of legislation.

Provide an avenue for the process of constitutional amendment.

Prevent the potential excesses of a unicameral Parliament.

Provide a principal arena in the devolution and exercise of power.

Enhance separation of powers of the organs of the state.

Safeguard the management of constitutionality.


Recommendation: For all these reasons, and taking into account that the Chapter on the legislature and in particular the Senate was not a contentious issue in Sulumeti I and II, we recommend that the Senate should be retained as an integral part of the basic structure. We note the arguments that have been advanced against the Senate, namely costs, and the complex procedures which may be involved. Considering the benefits of the Senate as discussed above, these arguments are without merit.


Chapter 12: The Executive

The construction of executive power is informed by constitutional theory on systems of government namely the
Presidential;
Parliamentary; and
hybrid (semi-presidential and semi parliamentary) systems.

In a presidential system, the chief executive is both the head of state and head of government, and there is a clear and distinct separation between the legislature and the executive. Under this arrangement, members of the executive are not drawn from the legislature. In a parliamentary system, the head of state and the head of government are separate, with the former playing a ceremonial role, such as the Westminster model. In this system of government, the executive is drawn from the legislature.

The hybrid system of government has two variants: the semi-presidential systems and the semi-parliamentary systems. The semi-presidential tilts executive power towards the President such as the French Constitution whereas the semi-parliamentary system tilts executive power towards the Premier as in the German Constitution. In each of these systems, there are checks and balances designed to suit it and these checks cannot be substituted for the other. The historical context in Kenya is instructional in that the Constitution was changed after independence from a parliamentary to a presidential system, without instituting checks suitable for a presidential system. The upshot wais that the current Constitution has neither the parliamentary checks nor the presidential checks leading to what has been referred to as an “imperial presidency.”

In reconciling the competing views of the people of Kenya, the Draft Constitution has adopted a mixed system of government that takes into account the advantages of all the different systems of government. The Naivasha Accord departs from this approach and proposes a presidential system but does not adopt the relevant and requisite checks and balances. Although reference has been made to the Tanzanian model in the Naivasha Accord by commentators, it has not been pointed out that the Tanzanian model is a purely presidential system, with no checks and balances. Besides, the Tanzanian model, like the current Kenyan imperial presidency evolved from a dictatorial single-party system.


Recommendation: If the Naivasha Accord presidential model is adopted, it must be accompanied by its classical and requisite checks and balances. Prominent among these checks is the requirement for a clear and distinct separation of powers between the executive and the legislature. The members of the cabinet will by necessity have to be appointed from outside Parliament.


Chapter 13: The Judicial and Legal System

The Naivasha Accord recommends that the limitation under article 33(5) be deleted. It further proposes that the words “and submit to the Court’s jurisdiction” be inserted at the end of article 199 of the Draft Constitution.

If the proposals by the Naivasha Accord were effected, Kadhis courts would not only become inoperable, but the accrued rights of Muslims in relation to personal law would have been taken away. The Kadhis courts as formulated in the Draft Constitution (2004) are a result of painstaking negotiations at the National Constitutional Conference between the Christians and Muslims. It was also agreed that the Kadhis courts as an institution are an infrastructure for the actualisation of Muslim women’s rights and part of the gains of women.


Recommendation: The articles should be retained as currently formulated in the Draft Constitution.


Chapter 14: Devolution

The Naivasha Accord proposes that ‘there should be two levels of devolution- the National and County’ and further that the ‘roles assigned to the Regions, the Districts and the Locations in the Draft Bill be brought together to be the roles of the Counties.’

It further recommends that criteria for determining the size and the number of the Counties be developed. At a subsequent meeting of 30th November 2004, it was recommended that the existing 74 districts shall be Counties; and that the Counties may be increased to no more than 100.

In asking for devolution, the Kenyan people demanded a system that would give them an opportunity for participation and self-governance and efficient and proximate delivery of services. They accepted and sought the principle of unity in diversity. In doing this, Kenyans were informed by their experience of the current centralised system of government that is very expensive but delivers no services to them. Against the background of the current system is characterised by a weak local government system with strong central controls, Kenyans demanded a complete overhaul. They demanded devolution and not delegation or deconcentration.

It must be noted that the Draft Constitution of Kenya is a compromise because it provides a “middle ground” between the proponents of unitarism and federalism. It provides for regional governments, with coordinative powers, and the district government as the principal level of devolution.

The Naivasha accord in relation to devolution is therefore a drastic enterprise. The design does not adhere to the principles and objects of devolution. It departs from the views of the people. It violates the principles of devolution such as subsidiarity, public participation and self-governance. It establishes two levels (actually one level, the county) and does not clarify whether the county is a devolved or local government. It creates between 74 and 100 units of government, which is conducive to recentralisation. Indeed, the arrangement is not in any significant way better than the present system. It must also be noted that it is atypical for countries to have such high number of principal levels of devolution. The US is the closest with such a number of levels (54 States). But the US is a vast country, with a population ten times Kenya’s population.

At the heart of the demand for devolution is the need for a system with fair sharing of resources and finances and even development of all regions of the country. The proposed system in the Naivasha Accord will fundamentally impact on the design and principles of the Draft Constitution in respect of a consultative and negotiative system of resource and finance sharing between the governments. As already noted, the architecture and design of the Draft Constitution seeks to minimise discretion and maximise consultation and negotiation in this area. It also seeks to ensure equity and equalisation in the allocation of resources. For purposes of the protection of the devolved levels of government, the design emphasizes the participation of the devolved levels of government in this process. It is for this reason that the devolved levels of government are given two constitutional forums through which to participate in this process, namely the Senate and the Commission on Revenue Allocation. The Commission on Revenue Allocation is designed in such a manner as to give the devolved levels of government higher representation than the national level of government. It has twenty-one Commissioners, out of whom sixteen represent the interests of devolved governments. Each one of the fourteen regions nominates one, and the association of district governments nominates two.

The Naivasha Accord’s proposal to scrap the regional level of government will obviously necessitate the reconstitution of this Commission. This reconstitution will destabilise the balance of interests that had been intended to be in favour of the devolved governments. If the concept of one Commissioner representing each Region is transferred to the 74 or more counties, the end result will be a mammoth Commission. On the other hand, if the route of increasing the representation of counties (since the districts are proposed to be counties) to 16 is taken, the intended balance of interests in favour of the devolved governments will be reversed.

This approach would be susceptible to divide and rule by the centre. When taken together with the Naivasha Accord proposal to scrap the Senate, this proposal is designed to defeat the purposes, object and principle of devolution, taking us back to the discretionary and arbitrary current system of resource allocation.

The proposal to scrap the regional government creates a huge distance between the county level of government and the national government. On the other hand, the scrapping of the locational government also alienates the people from the governance process, yet the people of Kenya had made proposals for governance closer to them.

Recommendation: For all these reasons, the Naivasha Accord proposals will in our considered view fundamentally alter the nature, character, principles and the very definition of devolution in the Draft Constitution. Further, the removal of devolution would alter the basic structure of the Draft Constitution.


Chapter 19: Constitutional Commissions

The Naivasha Accord proposes the scrapping of a number of Commissions in the Draft Constitution and the establishment of the following Commissions in the Constitution:
(a)Public Service Commission;
(b)Parliamentary Service Commission;
(c)Electoral and Boundaries Commission;
(d)Judicial Service Commission and
(e)Commission on Revenue Allocation.


It proposes that some of the Commissions established in the Draft Constitution should be established by or under legislation. In our considered opinion, the Naivasha approach disregards the underlying philosophy in the design of constitutional commissions and constitutional offices in the Draft Constitution. The commissions and constitutional offices created in the Draft Constitution are part of the institutional framework for the implementation of the Draft Constitution. The institutional design of the Draft has expanded the traditional form that creates separation of powers and checks and balances between the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. Informed by the views of the people, our history and constitutional developments in the world over, the design of the Draft Constitution expands these roles of implementation of the Constitution and management of constitutionality to include constitutional commissions and offices.

The approach is that constitutional values and principles are accompanied by constitutional institutional framework that act as infrastructure for implementation of those values. For example, the chapters on the constitutive process of the state have two main institutional frameworks for implementation, namely the National Culture Commission and the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice. By the same token, the Chapter on Leadership and Integrity has the Ethics and Integrity Commission as the institutional framework for implementation. This approach of establishing constitutional commissions as infrastructure for implementation has been adopted throughout the Draft Constitution. Their entrenchment in the Constitution gives them a constitutional basis for the management of constitutionality.

The powers of the legislature, like other organs, have been limited in the Draft Constitution. The Draft Constitution makes the people the repository of sovereignty, and limits the powers of the legislature. The Naivasha Accord proceeds from a different approach by construing parliamentary power as emanating from the supremacy of Parliament instead of the supremacy of the Constitution, and that sovereignty resides in Parliament instead of the people. As such, the proposal that some of these commissions be established by statute is untenable. The intention of the people of Kenya was to create constitutionally protected commissions as opposed to statutory commissions which can be abolished any time hence undermining the management of constitutionality.

Recommendation: Tampering with the institutional design and architecture will strip the Draft Constitution of its effectiveness, infrastructure and ability to manage constitutionality and implement the new Constitution.


Other Matters

The Naivasha Accord alleges that the Draft Constitution is voluminous and as such should be edited, and some of its provisions reduced to legislation. It must be appreciated that the size of the Draft Constitution was neither an accident nor an oversight. It was a deliberate move on account of the needs and fears of the people. Every Constitution is written to respond to the specific felt needs and history of the people and there is no standard size of a Constitution. For instance, the American Constitution, which has been repeatedly cited as very short was written over 250 years ago when the competing interests were still rudimentary and did not include the stakes of the African-Americans, women, indigenous peoples and minorities. Further, it is to be noted that each of the American States has its own Constitution, independent of the Federal Constitution. The Indian Constitution written in 1947 had to respond to the many claims of the time and has 395 articles. Other examples include New Zealand with 284articles, Nigeria with 318 articles and Columbia with 380 articles. The Draft Constitution, having take into consideration our history and the felt needs of the people, has only 311 articles. The Draft Constitution of Zambia, has not only heavily borrowed from the Draft Constitution of Kenya, but has also responded to the needs of its people by adopting 378 articles.

Conclusion:


We have set out objective criteria, which should guide possible changes to the Draft Constitution. If these criteria are followed, the end result will remain faithful to the views of the people of Kenya. In our considered opinion, the proposals in the Naivasha Accord fall short of these criteria.